ὁ καιρὸς ηὑρῆσθαι τάδε. -- Sophocles
In one of the last scenes leading up to Oedipus's act of discovery in Oedipus the King, he sends for the man who had saved him as an infant in Cithaeron while tending sheep. Later, in the final recognition, a second individual will identify himself to be the one whom Jocasta had ordered to expose the infant, and who out of pity gave it to the other man. After the shepherd has been summoned, the chorus of Theban elders sings the following ode. This example and a few others cast in serious doubt the most important conventions of theory. Instead of acknowledging the meaning of these lines, albeit a difficult task, such a tradition ignores them.
May destiny still
find me winning the praise of reverent purity in
all
words and [865] deeds sanctioned by those laws of sublime range,
called
into life through the high clear aether, whose father is Olympus
alone. Their parent was no race of mortal men, [870] no, nor shall
oblivion
ever lay them to sleep: the god is mighty in them, and he does
not grow
old. Insolence breeds the tyrant. Insolence, once vainly
stuffed
with wealth [875] that is not proper or good for it, when it has
scaled
the topmost ramparts, is hurled to a dire doom, where one's feet
cannot
serve to good advantage. But I pray that the god never [880]
quell
such rivalry as benefits the state. I will always hold the god as
our
protector. But if any man walks haughtily in deed or word, [885]
with
no fear of Justice, no reverence for the images of gods, may an
evil doom seize him for his ill-starred pride, if he does not gain his
advantage
fairly, [890] or avoid unholy deeds, but seeks to lay profaning
hands
on sanctities. Where such things occur, what mortal shall boast
any
more that he can ward off the arrow of the gods from his life?
[895] No.
For if such deeds are held in honor, why should we join in the
sacred
dance?
Until the present point in the ode, the elders have said echoing Hesiod in Works and Days 238 f., that injustice or contention of any kind that does not “benefit the state” ought to be punished by the gods. To that thought it is only added that “reverence for the images of the gods” is another duty going hand in hand with justice, so that piety is made relevant to the proper increase of human power and to justice. And that is all. For there is in the ode nothing yet about the context at hand, except the implication that the events now unfolding apply to the ethical concern for piety and proper respect to “sanctities.” But then follows something else. Why does the focus change?
No longer will I go reverently to the earth's central and inviolate shrine,
no
more to Abae's temple or to Olympia, [900] if these oracles do not
fit
the outcome, so that all mortals shall point at them with their
fingers.
[905] No, King—if this you are rightly called—Zeus all ruling, may
it not
escape
you and your deathless power! The old prophecies concerning
Laius
are fading; already men give them no value, and nowhere is
Apollo
glorified with honors; [910] the worship of the gods is perishing.
What, if anything, may be said about this chorus that has not been said before?
Two claims -- the ones seen numbered shortly below -- should be seen as exploratory.
But before looking at those, it may be noted that Oedipus has no "hamartia" or "fault" in the sense of responsibility for his fate in any way, except for a certain confused impiety that he shares with both parents. Jocasta too, herself intones a certain cheer at the prospect of defective oracles. Oedipus, as Kenneth Burke would probably agree, represents, albeit only faintly, a continuation of those who have brought him to ruin. Burke possessed only inchoately the foundational insight that pathos is secondary. Pathos is not to be conflated with punishment or with effort. It is only a reference to latent transgression or the consequence of others' sins who are now dead and gone. That is Oedipus's condition and the meaning of his life.
Oedipus's experience is an allusion to the impiety of his father and of the human race. Therefore, the significance of this drama, and essentially all others, can be understood only by a reduction to those implied conditions.
(1) The mortals are generally, rather than only in this particular moment, disposed toward abandoning the gods as unreal or wishing to overthrow them -- which are two different possibilities. And (2) the more difficult claim is that this hostile relationship, in myth is not merely a representation, not merely an expression in the sense of "imitation" -- of a human thirst for power that one would naturally expect. Rather, it is a hostility embedded inherently in myth, which human beings (or characters in myth) absorb, so to speak. And its function is not so much to cure them of this kind of hostility, as it is to express a cure and freedom from those impulses that preexists as an innate balance in them, collectively.
First the lighter claim (1) should be defended, both as to the broader scope of the statement, temporally, than initially appears, and also to the juxtaposition of active destruction of actual gods or apotheosis on the one hand, and on the other hand merely denying that gods exist. For the "worship of the gods to perish" does initially appear to clash with the possibility that "oracles do not fit the outcome." It is not just that god-existence follows necessarily from the pronouncement of an oracle or even belief in oracles, in fact it does not, at least not in the former case alone of mere pronouncement. But in such a myth context the gods are assumed. Nevertheless, there are two ways in which the inconsistency may be resolved. Number one, it may be a rhetorical or non-literal reference to denial of the gods. But number two, god-denial can be made to fit the context of myth, and furthermore, once that more compatible juxtaposition could be conceived, then it is easier to see god denial as one form of hubris or impiety among others. That may in theory be pressed into a mythological narrative, even if such a narrative never depicted the refutation of gods.
It is useful, however, to the present purpose to resolve the foregoing difficulty, because in that case it is possible to see the utterance of the chorus as not confined to the moment and to the Oedipus story alone. That brings us to the other question, of breadth in time. There is a tendency, seemingly of the old way of looking at this passage, to view the chorus's admonishment as belonging to the moment, to the matter at hand only. That view does seem natural, because this precise worry is not often expressed in the myths, that the gods must seriously carry out this particular prophecy in order to reinforce belief and worship. But the problem with this is that there are too many other examples that generally parallel the present one, at least sharing the impression that the mortals are pervasively disposed to god-destruction or unbelief.
It ought not to be denied that the chorus and other characters can think of the curse of Oedipus not being fulfilled and "this cup passing" from him, so to speak, even with gods believed in. That is not contrary to sense. They can think of the curse as a bluff, without thinking necessarily of the gods' existence as a bluff, a deceptive dream. Nevertheless, there is a sense in which the chorus does not question the oracle at all. Rather, to a certain extent it seems to expect the fulfillment of Oedipus's ruin as a given.
The chorus gives the impression that the impiety it is worried about is a thing of the moment, a recent catastrophe plaguing the world and belief in gods. But that impression is very odd -- and it does not, arguably, withstand scrutiny. A more true or solid impression is that those hostile mortal attitudes are perennial. That, however being the case, the theories of myth and literature as we know them stand unequipped, or in a way silent, without an adequate explanation for the text. Specifically, the chorus's impression that a crisis of the gods belongs to the moment tends to reinforce the more paltry view of the situation, namely, that the ultimate role of the divine punishments being administered is merely to directly, to consciously discipline mankind. That too, despite its clarity and simplicity, is a problematic view. As an alternative that tries to remedy, to address these problems, the aforementioned second numbered claim, about what the actual meaning could be of opposition to the gods in myth, could be argued in the following way.
The gods are, at times, depicted as punishing the mortals randomly and arbitrarily, except that the greatest terror is visited upon Oedipus because of the crime of his father, that is, the rape of Chrysippus. This is no speculation about literature but was the standard narrative of Oedipus, as described of the Laius cyclical poem and its dramatization in Aeschylus. Both Laius and Oedipus, however, even after they have both suffered an imprecation, continue to deny the validity of this punishment even after it has been reduced by only a part; thus, after Oedipus learns that Polybus is dead, he is determined to avoid his putative mother Merope (Oedipus Tyrannus l.985). But why this disrespect? It is not by mere naivete that the mortal thus conducts himself, but they do so because it is, truth be told, their wish to rid themselves of the gods either as real or unreal beings. As the gods are believed in or dreamed, they are only partly objects of piety and benign worship, whereas they bear a constant amount of cloaked hostility from the believer, necessarily ingrained in belief and worship. But the deepest reason--the essential reason--why this strange, integrated balance is maintained at all, is pragmatic and a matter of survival in the real world. It is, then, through the mythological image of the reversal of such piety, that humankind expresses an adjustment to reality. It is through the dreamed image of mortals approaching the gods with desire, hatred and murderous ambition, and by a certain immunity in ingesting these sanctioned or unacceptable impulses in a subtle dose.
On this view, if there is ever belief in "the gods," in a sense comparable to these classical myths, it arises as this expression, not of direct fear or obedience, but rather an unconscious conditioning, or adjustment to reality. As a result, some sort of healthy, collective restraint is thus enabled in mankind. The antagonism of mortals towards gods as depicted in myth does not seem to arise, then, out of the moment or a whim, or seem to be a sudden conflict that the gods newly encounter. Rather, it seems to arise out of a more subtle adjustment to "reality." What we mean by that reality is, mainly, or one might suggest, the comportment of mankind to actual nature and to others. And there is an analogous phenomenon of humor, pertaining instead to society.
Of course, this is hardly the place to go into or repeat further details of the humor analogy. But the analogy is more difficult to communicate or defend, without also adding that part of what makes humor cheerful is not merely the accomplished adjustment itself, which constitutes a happy disposition. Rather, part of that cheerfulness of a humor response comes from the image of the sort of self-deceived, careless mind that is not itself in control of such emotions as laughter. This is why humor is not only a deception-curing act but a self-restraining act. Just as solitary laughter is proscribed, so would be an excess of laughter. But in either the humorous case or the mythical, the adjustment is accomplished by the ingestion, in a curiously viral sense, of the image of a thwarted violation of that reality.
There is another, later passage, again suggesting something other than contingent hope or admonishment that the prophecies should come to pass, for example as a banal warning or conscious injunction. This is the later ode recited at the very point of completion of the reversal of fortune for Oedipus. Peripeteia, incidentally, now usually has the more generic sense of reversal of fortune. It does not have the more specific irony-based meaning found in Aristotle, pertaining to the fact that what destroys Oedipus is that a servant, the messenger, chooses with good intentions to get entangled with him, thus inadvertently upsetting the whole deception.
Chorus
Alas, generations of mortals, how mere a shadow I count your life!
Where, where is the mortal who [1190]
attains a happiness which is more than apparent and doomed to fall away to nothing? Your fate warns me—yours, unhappy Oedipus—to
call no [1195] earthly creature blessed.
This more concise statement follows as an afterthought, a mere reiteration, yet it tends to confirm and drive home the more than superficial impression of what appear as words of justification, of consolation earlier in the ode of 865-910. This more terse ode declaration, that the purpose of Oedipus’s fate is in some sense a warning, in the first place, may not be understood as at bottom a statement of that fact, that the essential reason for Oedipus's fate is to inform and terrorize mankind into respect for and belief in the gods. Both the story from the audience's view, and also within from the point of view of characters, certainly can be read as a direct warning whose function is to inspire and enforce piety.
We might repeat part
of the previous argument against the factual-warning interpretation, and add
another reason. The problem already suggested with such a reading is
that human hostility towards the gods, unbelief, etc. and the like, are in this
mythic situation something of a banality. And if that is the case, this
particular statement, that "your fate warns me," does not
necessarily or with certainty appear as having the effect of god
restoration, or as needing to have that effect. Being already and
ever present, that hostility and the gods’ violent policies towards it, call
for a deeper explanation. Looked at another way,
the chorus's foreboding words do not do much except affirm
that the mortals greatly desire not only to deny the gods exist, but even to
take their place and become gods. But if the Oedipus
legend as nothing but a contingent warning is untenable, all that remains is
this alternative.
Besides having a
potential explanatory significance, does the latter part of the l. 875 ode
raise other questions? What might it imply about the three other
Greek figures slain by a son or grandson: Aegeus, Acrisius (grandson,
Perseus), and Catreus? But there are more pertinent examples than
those, better because they go beyond the narrow problematic of parricide to
embed the theme of impiety in other scenes.
But before
multiplying examples, we should be prepared to close the door to a number of
other rebuttable proposals to explain Oedipus’s fate, and to call for a
moratorium on the most obscure attempts, such as that “Oedipus’s lineage is
saturated” (Bollack). Again, 900-910 of the ode explains what the
dramatist thinks is the meaning not only of Oedipus but of all heroic
annihilation in myth. It exists for reasons not dissimilar to the very
existence of human sacrifice. The gods, already concocting plans to
liquidate humanity for reasons that are impossible for mankind to remedy, in
addition to those plans, are constantly on duty to check mankind with terrible
portents, quite arbitrarily. According to the viewpoint, looked at only
superficially, of the chorus of Oedipus the King, even if humanity is
capable of a high collective moral output, it is a fact that humanity has its
eye on the gods and is from the beginning questioning their existence or need
to exist. Such stories, to clarify again our thesis, like all the
myths about the gods, together in an integral way express a mental adjustment
to reality. This adjustment is innate to humanity and can only be attenuated,
erased or annihilated—if it may at all—with complete eradication of belief in gods
of any kind. But there is not space here to treat that question
yet.
The human hero is
for a while experimented with as the victim of metamorphosis. But this is
only a game, and he is too small and weak to endure unending physical torture
as may a god or Titan without arousing terror and disgust in the gods
themselves. The fact that there is such a scale of intensity by no means
implies that tragedy’s meaning is found within the intensity or moral effect of
viewer’s reaction. But these failed options leave only parricide and
murder as the central torture of the human race. Thus having explained
divine retribution as dependent on a needful and integrated impiety in myth,
this point suggests reasons for the specific nature of punishment.
There is another
doubtful novel view that the meaning of the Greek myths of hubris is that they
are simply dreams that prophesy the ultimate success of atheism and the
furthest, and most destructive, advances of science. In Oedipus,
Philosopher, Jean-Joseph Goux considers this thesis, and tries to reject it
on the grounds that there is insufficient terror and tragedy in
modernity, after all. But that is a weak response. On
the prophesy theory the central mythic parricide of Oedipus has a
more allegorical sense, as Goux himself acknowledged, with Laius as god and
Jocasta as Earth. But the problem with this view is
that mortal-against-god assault, followed by a curse or local
punishment or a global cataclysm, is not culturally
relative. Yet what is relative is the cosmologically malignant
culture. Therefore, cosmological human malevolence is disconnected from
the drama of warfare and punishment between gods and mortals. Only
the latter is universal. Although ancient religions would not make such a
claim about modern civilization, somewhere in their mythology is included the
punishment of an assault on gods by beings who are far below them in rank.
Until a certain
point, the gods need to slay their immediate progenitors. Initially the
gods have a series of fathers, who, being immortal, must be deposed yet can
only be by murder. But human murder is at the same time a painful
affirmation of the Silenic truth that man ought not to exist at all, even as it
is also a personal loss, while to be responsible for this act is the greatest
guilt—thus combining the three greatest pains into one which are
appropriate.
Nietzsche does
discuss the chorus concept in The Birth of Tragedy, especially in
order to explain its origin as the first actor. But most of what
Nietzsche says about “the Dionysian” aligns that concept with principles of
reality and human pathos. When he seeks to add to the Dionysian a choric
element, we are told little more than that it embodies a “Dionysian wisdom.” What does that mean? This account, while it is
passionate and near the mark, is finally vague. All it tells us is
that the chorus is in the realm of profundity, pathos, and the structural
origins of drama. It is a truism that the chorus embodies a serious
attitude toward the action, the gods and the ancient structure of drama as
chorus itself, prior to later developments.
There are other
examples that refer to warnings from the gods. But those are all
collectively explained by the same argument already put forth, such as this in
Aeschylus’s Agamemnon.
Chorus
But a man's blood,
once it has first fallen by murder to earth [1020] in a dark
tide—who by magic spell shall call it back? Even he who
possessed the skill to raise from the dead—did not Zeus make an end of him as
warning? [1025] And unless one fate ordained of the gods restrains another fate
from winning the advantage, my heart would outstrip my tongue and pour forth
its fears; [1030] but, as it is, it mutters only in the dark, distressed and
hopeless ever to unravel anything in time when my soul's aflame.
Rather than attempting to see any more confirmation in that sort of passage, if there is anything to be gained it may instead be found from another angle. One may attempt to show more definitively what we have now only inferred. Namely, that is the premise that mortals in fact, and also as depicted in myth, vigorously desire to destroy the gods, stop believing in them, or even take their place, and quite probably the last of these. But is that not undeniably shown here, in Euripides’s The Suppliants?
Theseus
[195] Full often
have I argued out this subject with others. For there are those who say, there
is more bad than good in human nature; but I hold a contrary view, that good
over bad predominates in man, [200] for if it were not so, we should not exist.
He has my praise, whichever god brought us to live by rule from chaos and from
brutishness, first by implanting reason, and next by giving us a tongue to
declare our thoughts, so as to know the meaning of what is said, [205] and
bestowing fruitful crops, and drops of rain from heaven to make them grow, with
which to nourish earth's fruits and to water her lap; and more than this,
protection from the wintry storm, and means to ward from us the sun-god's
scorching heat; the art of sailing over the sea, so that we might exchange
[210] with one another whatever our countries lack. And where sight fails us
and our knowledge is not sure, the seer foretells by gazing on the flame, by
reading signs in folds of entrails, or by divination from the flight of birds. Are
we not then too proud, when heaven has made such [215] preparation for our
life, not to be content with it? But our presumption seeks to lord it over
heaven, and in the pride of our hearts we think we are wiser than the
gods.
The prosecution rests, with only minor emendations. Traditional literary theory stands condemned. The mortals, in myth and in reality want to and will destroy the gods if they can, while more precisely, they exhibit that impulse more overtly in the myths themselves because the myths are unreal, and are expressions of adjustment from the point of view of actual life. What is less clear, is whether those human beings who dwell in this later time of more advanced awareness and violence toward god and nature are in fact more advanced haters of gods. Their sophisticated position of power, bereft of cosmology or sense of comforting enclosure, says nothing necessarily about how their feelings toward gods are generally affected. And they engage in a conservative resuscitation of various forms of religion, which themselves are not easily compared with the religion inhabiting a cosmological world, a religion of naïve acceptance or dependence on gods without the taint of “faith.”
But it is submitted that the human expressions of rage against the gods, perennial or not, and its inevitable punishment are not in essence (1) a paltry, factual warning, (2) a prophecy, (3) another kind of disciplinary device, or any of the other candidates advanced hitherto. There are other proposals that simply do not break the sphere of any universal meaning of tragedy or of myth, such as the so-called tragic theme of equal and opposing ethical claims. But that notion remains uninfluential, of tragedy as an individual or family in opposition to a state. Such is, if in any way seen as applying broadly, not something of the essence but a profound connection of tragedy to forces and relationships that are, in a more pragmatic, concrete sense, of historical importance.
Tragedy has a general meaning that pervades its every textual fiber and is no “grandiose" or "facile" "generalization.” It has an ultimate and ever-present meaning that does not get beyond that of myth. And that can only be an expression of adjustment to reality in the sense that to ingest, imitate, and absorb the image of unrestraint in the proper way is the condition of cultural restraint, as a certain sense of immunity is seen to operate. There is a perfect analogy in humor and comedy where absorption of the image of a more purely individual presumption on a smaller, purely human social scale is what it means to produce or appreciate humor. The image of presumption thus ingested in ambivalent, viral form is the essence of humor, and has as its sole primary purpose the analogous expression of adjustment to our own society.

